WOMP 2024 Schedule and Abstracts

For the WOMP 2024 homepage, click here.

Friday March 22 (in Friend Center Rm 113)
8:30 – 9:20 — Breakfast (provided at venue) —
9:20-9:30 Laura Kalin Welcome
9:30 – 10:15 Bronwyn Bjorkman The puzzle of (apparently) phonologically motivated empty morphs [click here for handout]
10:20 – 11:05 Matthew Hewett and Ruth Kramer Subject agreement in Amharic complex verbs: the role of Kinyalolo’s Constraint [click here for handout]
11:05 – 11:30 — Coffee Break —
11:30 – 12:15 Einar Freyr Sigurðsson and Jim Wood Resolution by case syncretism in Icelandic passives [click here for handout]
12:15 – 1:30 — Lunch (provided at venue) —
1:30 – 2:15 David Natvig, Michael T. Putnam, and Emmeline Wilson Umlaut as combined suffixation [click here for slides]
2:20 – 3:05 Heather Newell Readjusting the analysis of the irregular past tense in English [click here for slides]
3:05 – 4:30 — Poster Session (click for abstracts and list of downloadable posters and other materials) —


Saturday March 23 (in Friend Center Rm 113)
8:30 – 9:30 — Breakfast (provided at venue) —
9:30 – 10:15 Artemis Alexiadou Building possessive adjectives [click here for slides]
10:20 – 11:05 Tom Leu Concurrent gender systems—with distributional affinities to classifiers: Evidence from German [click here for handout]
11:05 – 11:30 — Coffee Break —
11:30 – 12:15 Tran Truong Microvariable lexical stratification: The view from honorifics [click here for slides]
12:15 – 1:30 — Lunch (provided at venue) —
1:30 – 2:15 Carol Rose Little Case competitors and the syntax of impersonals
2:20 – 3:05 Maria Kouneli Marked nominative is ergative in disguise [click here for handout]
3:05 – 3:45 — Coffee Break —
3:45 – 4:30 Neil Myler Imagining life without Rules of Exponence and the Elsewhere Condition [click here for slides]
4:35 – 5:20 Terje Lohndal, David Natvig, Michael T. Putnam, and Yvonne van Baal Comparing frameworks: A case study of the syntax-morphology interface [click here for slides]
5:30 – 7:30 — Reception (at venue) —


Talk Abstracts

Artemis Alexiadou
Humboldt University, ZAS Berlin
“Building possessive adjectives”

In this talk, I will examine how possessive adjectives are built in Greek by comparing them to their English (e.g., moneyed, blue-eyed) and Spanish counterparts. Greek has two ways to form possessive adjectives, by employing participial morphology, similar to English, and via special affixes. Both processes are productive and provide evidence that possessive adjectives cannot be restricted to inalienable possession. As not much is known about these processes in Greek, I will explore the relationship between possessive adjectives and possessive constructions (see Myler 2016, Fábregas 2020), as well as the relationship between adjectival participles and possessive adjectives (Koontz-Garboden, Deo & Francez 2012 for English).

Bronwyn Bjorkman
Queen’s University
“The puzzle of (apparently) phonologically motivated empty morphs”

Empty morphs are stable units of form that occur without any associated meaning or function, the inverse of zero morphs. Some empty morphs seem to occur for phonological, rather than morphological, reasons, and some appear to be repurposed from an ordinary contentful use elsewhere in the langage. In Ndebele, for example, subminimal words can be augmented either by prefixing yi- or suffixing -an (Sibanda 2004: 113)—the former is plausibly a least-marked epenthetic syllable, but the latter resembles the applicative suffix, occurring without applicative meaning. Such patterns pose a puzzle for a theory like Distributed Morphology, just as in the more widely discussed case of (apparently) phonologically optimizing suppletive allomorphy: if phonology derivationally follows morphology, as it does in standard DM, morphological realization should not be constrained by phonological wellformedness. The additional puzzle posed by empty morphs, however, is how they come to be repurposed from existing morphological uses. This talk explores the options for accounting for such empty morphs within a theory like DM.

Matthew Hewett and Ruth Kramer
Georgetown University
“Subject agreement in Amharic complex verbs: the role of Kinyalolo’s Constraint”

In Amharic, certain verbal constructions include a main verb that bears subject agreement and a non-past auxiliary that also bears subject agreement (i.e. ‘V-Agr-AUX-Agr’). However, in certain φ-feature combinations, one of the agreement markers is absent (i.e. ‘V-Agr-AUX’ or ‘V-AUX-Agr’). Assuming that there is full agreement on V and AUX in the syntax, we argue that the disappearance of agreement arises in the postsyntax. Specifically, we propose a novel, exponent-based implementation of Kinyalolo’s Constraint (KC; Kinyalolo 1991, Carstens 2005); KC prohibits the insertion of identical exponents within a single M(orphological)-word at Vocabulary Insertion, acting as an anti-homophony constraint. Because Vocabulary Insertion operates from the bottom up (Bobaljik 2000), KC blocks insertion of auxiliary agreement when it is identical to main verb agreement (deriving ‘V-Agr-AUX’). This analysis also correctly predicts (i) that auxiliary agreement resurfaces when main verb agreement is null as a result of contextual allomorphy (yielding ‘V-AUX-Agr’) and (ii) that KC is inactive when V and AUX are not in the same M-word. We contend that this analysis is more successful than previous approaches (e.g. Diertani & Eilam 2010, Kramer To Appear) and that it can account for similar patterns in other Ethiosemitic languages (Bulakh 2014).

Maria Kouneli
Rutgers University
“Marked nominative is ergative in disguise”

Languages with marked nominative case systems display what looks like nominative – accusative alignment, but unlike regular nominative – accusative systems, the morphologically marked case form is the nominative (with accusative usually left unmarked). Marked nominative is a rare alignment system, but it is very common in Nilo-Saharan and Afro-Asiatic languages spoken in East Africa. Such systems pose a clear challenge to many existing theories of case: On the syntactic side, they are problematic for theories that treat nominative as the absence of case (Kornfilt & Preminger 2015 a.o.), while on the morphological side, they do not fit into analyses that treat nominative as the least marked case (Caha 2009 a.o.). In this talk, I argue that marked nominative (at least) in Nilotic languages is a type of ergative, and not nominative. What makes Nilotic special is that the sole argument of unaccusatives can be assigned ergative. I argue that this can be explained if: i) ergative (=“marked nominative”) is uniformly assigned to SpecVoiceP (Woolford 1997, Legate 2008 a.o.), and ii) the language has an ‘expletive’ Voice head (Alexiadou et al. 2015 a.o.), which requires a specifier but does not assign a thematic role to it; the internal argument of unaccusatives moves to SpecVoiceP to satisfy its EPP requirement and is assigned ergative.

Tom Leu
Université du Québec à Montréal
“Concurrent gender systems—with distributional affinities to classifiers: Evidence from German”

Fedden & Corbett (2017) write that “surely no one would want to claim that French had two concurrent gender systems.” Challenge accepted: I claim that French has two concurrent gender systems, though the talk will mainly be about German, addressing: (A) the non-categorical nature of noun classification systems; (B) the co-existence of more than one gender system within a single language; and (C) the epistemological advantage of a piece-based view on morphosyntax.

I will argue that (A) typical gender systems and typical classifier systems may share distributional properties, cross-cutting the traditional typological criteria (cf. Dixon, 1986); that (B) German has two such gender systems, which share distributional properties with noun classifiers and numeral classifiers, respectively; and (C) that on an inferential approach to exponence the discovery of those systems would be a lunar leap for an infant, whereas a piece-based view makes it a small step, at least for a linguist.

One consequence is that, if looked at the right way, concurrent systems may be much more common than is usually thought.

Carol Rose Little
University of Oklahoma
“Case competitors and the syntax of impersonals”

The realization of case on internal arguments with impersonal initiators can vary, as shown by the two examples in (1). In Irish (1a), the internal third person plural argument is realized in the accusative case; in Finnish (1b) the internal argument is nominative.

(1) a. Buaileadh aríst iad.
beat.PA.IMPRS again 3.PL.ACC
‘They were beaten again.’                             Irish (Stenson 1989: 384)

b. Vie-ttiin koira talo-on.
take-PST.IMPRS dog.NOM house-ILL
‘The dog was taken into the house.’            Finnish

Many theories of impersonal syntax argue for a null nominal in the initiator position. However, as shown by the examples above, this null initiator may or may not act as a case competitor in the sense of Baker (2015). This talk investigates the properties of case competitors in impersonal constructions, focusing on nominative-accusative aligned languages. I explore these facts through a dependent-case theory approach (e.g., Marantz 1991 et seq.).

Terje Lohndal, David Natvig, Michael T. Putnam, and Yvonne van Baal
Norwegian University of Science and Technology and UiT The Arctic University of Norway, University of Stavanger, Pennsylvania State University, and University of Stavanger
“Comparing frameworks: A case study of the syntax-morphology interface”

The conceptualization of features has remained a central theme in generative approaches to the syntax-morphology interface since the early 1990s. These have played an enhanced role in late-insertion approaches to morphosyntax, in which the establishment of feature-exponency relations is of fundamental importance. Multiple frameworks have been developed to model the syntax-morphology interface, opening the door to framework comparisons. In this paper we review the advantages and disadvantages of what we label direct and indirect approaches to this interface, namely Nanosyntax and Distributed Morphology, respectively. To illustrate the similarities and differences between these frameworks, we demonstrate how nominal suffixes are realized in varieties of Norwegian. We show that both direct and indirect approaches to the syntax-morphology interface are capable of modelling the alternations observed in the data. That is, they both achieve descriptive adequacy. However, they do so by virtue of rather different architectural assumptions, raising the question of how to compare and adjudicate their relative strengths and weaknesses.

Neil Myler
Boston University
“Imagining life without Rules of Exponence and the Elsewhere Condition”

The notion that there are Rules of Exponence, that they compete, and that their competition is regulated by the Elsewhere Condition, is a point of consensus that unites many approaches to morphology which otherwise differ significantly in their core tenets, forming the cornerstone of the family of theories dubbed “realizational” (Anderson 1992:132; Halle and Marantz 1993:123; Starke 2009:4; Stump 2001:22, 2016:50, amongst many others). Recent work in the Morphology as Syntax (MaS) framework seeks to undermine this cornerstone (Collins 2018, 2020; Kayne 2020; Collins and Kayne 2023). In its place, MaS proposes a non-realizational theory in which all allomorphy and morphotactics are captured using mechanisms which are familiar from syntactic theory, leaving no room for competition via the Elsewhere Condition. In this talk, I describe a fragment of a grammar for Latin noun declension which I have developed in the MaS framework. The fragment highlights a number of interesting properties of MaS, including at least one which I will suggest weighs heavily against it: eschewal of the Elsewhere Condition comes at a steep price in the amount of accidental homophony the account must assume.

David Natvig, Michael T. Putnam, and Emmeline Wilson
University of Stavanger, Pennsylvania State University, and Pennsylvania State University
“Umlaut as combined suffixation”

Umlaut in Germanic – both the historical process of conditioned back vowel fronting and the resultant synchronic morphological alternation – has been and remains a hotly debated phenomenon, both in terms of its historical development (Boutilier, 2019; Iverson & Salmons, 1996; Janda, 1998; Salmons, 1994, 2018) and its morphophonological representation in con- temporary languages (Iverson & Salmons, 2004; Trommer, 2021; Wiese, 1996, and many others). We focus in this talk on umlaut as a morphological aspect of German plurals. Specifically, we trace the structural development of umlaut across multiple noun classes from Old High German and New High German to the present, and compare those results to proposals of its contemporary morpho-phonological representation as a single concate- native process (Trommer, 2021; Wiese, 1996). We seek a better understanding of how the diachrony of a pattern with multiple, complex phonological sources coalesces into a single process. This, we argue, sheds light on the division of labor between syntax and phonology in morphological patterns (e.g., Bermúdez-Otero, 2012), as well as how these representations and relationships may change over time.

Heather Newell
Université du Québec à Montréal
“Readjusting the analysis of the irregular past tense in English”

English irregular verb conjugations (e.g. sing-sang-sung, take-took-taken) have been proposed to offer evidence that T0past and the verb root must undergo Vocabulary Insertion in the same cycle/phase, as well as requiring morpheme-specific Readjustment Rules to derive their surface forms (e.g. Embick 2010). Here I examine these arguments and offer an alternative analysis that requires neither: English irregular verbs are derived by the regular phonological grammar. This analysis requires an appeal to abstract, sometimes underspecified, autosegmental phonological representations for the relevant affixes (in the vein of Trommer’s (2021) analysis of German plural morphology). This reanalysis is couched within a discussion of how to distinguish phonological from morphological alternations, what evidence we have for the exact timing of spell-out (Chomsky’s PIC1 and PIC2) and whether and how phases are accessible after they have undergone spell-out.

Sylvia Schreiner
George Mason University
“Realizations of temporal semantics in Akuzipik”

Akuzipik (St. Lawrence Island Yupik; endangered, polysynthetic, Inuit-Yupik) belongs to a language family with members that have variously been claimed to be tenseless (e.g. many but not all varieties of Inuktitut; Kalaallisut, etc.). What descriptive literature on Akuzipik exists labels various morphemes as marking ‘tense’ and ‘aspect’ (as does the literature on its closest relative Central Alaskan Yup’ik), but the language’s temporal realizations are under-documented and the meanings and behavior of these morphemes are unclear. In this talk I discuss the results of fieldwork on the various realizations of temporal semantics that occur in Akuzipik, including their semantics and morphosyntactic properties. I investigate in particular the semantics of the unmarked form and the behavior of an apparent progressive morpheme. The (non-)obligatoriness of these morphemes informs our understanding of what it means for a language to realize tense and Tense.

Einar Freyr Sigurðsson and Jim Wood
The Árni Magnússon Institute for Icelandic Studies and Yale University
“Resolution by case syncretism in Icelandic passives”

Passivized ditransitives with reflexive indirect objects in Icelandic are subject to speaker variation: speakers either reject the construction entirely (Grammar D), accept it with nominative (Grammar A) or accusative (Grammar B), or accept it only when the noun happens to be syncretic between the two (Grammar C). In this talk, we propose that the structural problem is that the DP gets only a subset of its case features valued, and remains unvalued for the distinction between nominative and accusative. The case we focus on most is Grammar C, which is reminiscent of “Rescue by Syncretism” effects found in argument-sharing constructions, such as ATB-movement (Citko 2005, Asarina 2013, Bjorkman 2021). In this case, however, there is no argument sharing or source for multiple-case assignment. We propose that the undervaluation results in splitting the feature bundle into two separate feature bundles, one with nominative features and the other with accusative. We refer to this as Individuation, following Soares (2023). We show that this process looks like a certain kind of Fission (the “pre-Vocabulary Insertion” kind), in that the marked/conflicting features are split, and the irrelevant features are copied onto each bundle. The difference is that Fission creates two feature bundles, two loci for Vocabulary Insertion and two slots for separate Vocabulary Items to be realized. The mechanism in this case creates two feature bundles, two loci for Vocabulary Insertion, but only one slot for a single Vocabulary Item to be realized. We explore how this could be accounted for in the system of Vocabulary Insertion being developed by Soares (in progress).

For a long-form version of this abstract, click here.

Tran Truong
Pennsylvania State University
“Microvariable lexical stratification: The view from honorifics”

No abstract available; see slides linked to in schedule.


Poster (etc.) Downloads and Abstracts

Deborah Adeyeye and Emmeline Wilson
Penn State University
“Shared spans in bilingual grammars: Evidence from Pennsylvania Dutch participles”

Pennsylvania Dutch (PD), a dialect with roots in Palatinate German and a long history of intense contact with North American English, exhibits verbs with English-borrowed stems that are primarily exponed in their past participle forms like other PD past participles – with a g(e)/-t circumfix (e.g., schiwwere/geschiwwert ‘to shiver’). However, a handful of verbs realize the exponency attributed to English forms when produced in PD (e.g., weare/gwore ‘to wear’). We investigate which structural factors determine when the English past tense stem (and its alternations) is integrated into the PD past participle instead of the English present tense stem. Utilizing data from Beam’s documentation of non-sectarian PD (Beam, 2004-2011), we examine English integration into PD utilizing an exoskeletal, span-based approach (Svenonius, 2012) that defines a span as a contiguous sequence of heads within a syntactic structure. We show that when English-based spans are inserted intact into PD syntax, the size of the span determines the exponency of the [PTCP] circumfix. This analysis not only supports the well-evidenced view of a shared bilingual mental lexicon in which components of both languages are active, accessible, and open to modifications, but also the proposal that lexical borrowings from donor to recipient language are potentially borrowings of intact spans containing multiple syntactic features (Tat, 2022).

Comfort Ahenkorah
Yale University
“The morphosyntactic distribution of number in Akan”

Plural morphology has recently been analyzed as realizations of Num(ber) and other syntactic head(s). In this poster we focus on the intricate plural system of Akan (a Kwa, Niger-Congo), where we propose that plural morphemes (n-/a-, a-/n-…nom and a-/n-… -foɔ) are not allomorphs competing for a single node instead they are a projection of two syntactic heads: Num (a realization of the suffix) and the nominalizing head n (for the prefixes). We also propose that the absence of the suffix requires the lowering and fusion of Num with the nominalizing head, allowing the prefixes to trigger agreement. Akan plural morphology thus provides additional empirical evidence that the morphosyntax of plurality can be realizations of different morphosyntactic heads.

Dani Katenkamp
Yale University
“Re-examining subtractive plurals in Historical Choctaw”

Historical Choctaw has a process of plural-marking on verbs that looks like an instance of subtractive morphology.

(1) bonolli                                bonni
bonot -li                                   bon -<ot> -li
roll:up -voice                          roll:up -pl -voice
‘roll up (singular object)’    ‘roll up (plural object)’

Subtractive morphology is problematic for many theories of morphology because it conflicts with the assumption that additional meaning should require additional morphosyntactic structure, and that while lexical items may be phonologically null, there is no underlying form which can delete phonological material from another head. The most recent research on Muskogean subtraction (Martin, 1994) proposes that these plural forms fully fossilized early in the history of the family and that the subtraction is the result of semi-random diachronic processes. However, I argue that because there remain many transparent generalizations one can make about the distribution of these subtractive phenomena in Historical Choctaw, this cannot be the case. I consider several possible analyses and show that we can develop a synchronic account of Historical Choctaw pluralization without needing directly subtractive operations. Thus, while Historical Choctaw is relevant to discussion of subtractive morphology, it serves as further evidence that possibly all superficially subtractive phenomena can be analyzed concatenatively.

Jack Pruett
Georgetown University
“Phase heads assign ACC Case—A new theory of Case assignment: Evidence from Irish and Arabic”

I examine data from matrix clauses in Arabic and Irish and show that traditional theories of structural case assignment like dependent case (Marantz 1991; Baker 2015), default case (Schütze 2001), and case assignment under AGREE (Chomsky 1995, 2000, 2001) are not able to capture the patterns of accusative case marking in the languages. In order to account for this data, I propose a new theory of case assignment that happens under AGREE, but with a novel modification. I argue that syntactic phase heads (Chomsky 1995, 2000, 2001) invariably assign accusative case to the nominal they undergo AGREE with. I show that this conception of case assignment accounts for the data from Irish and Arabic while still maintaining the empirical coverage of previous theories of case assignment under AGREE.

Katherine Russell
University of California, Berkeley
“Non-local verb nasalization in Atchan”

In Atchan (Kwa, Côte d’Ivoire), different morphemes trigger the nasalization of different amounts of material. The presence of a nasal subject proclitic in Atchan causes the nasalization of the onset of the following verb (Dido 2018, Russell 2023). Domains of nasalization, however, are morpheme-specific: the domain includes only the immediately following segment when the subject is plural, but includes a much larger amount of material when the subject is singular. Following singular nasal morphemes, the domain of nasalization involves the entire verb complex, including auxiliaries and the initial consonant of each verb. The pattern of nasalization in Atchan is challenging for traditional phonological accounts of nasal harmony, as the domain of nasalization is morpheme-specific, and assimilation is not necessarily local. I propose that the two distinct patterns displayed by nasal subject proclitics are attributable to differences in morphosyntactic structure corresponding to pronominal status and number. I sketch out an analysis of Atchan nasal harmony in which singular pronouns undergo morphological merger with material in the inflectional position (Marantz 1988, Harizanov 2014), and each verb in a verb complex is marked for subject agreement (Rolle 2020, Tyler & Kastner 2022). In doing so, I show that it is possible to reduce this apparently phonological harmony system to distinctions in morphosyntactic structure.

Milena Šereikaitė
Princeton University
“Passives of Unaccusatives? A view from Ndebele”

In this study, I explore the limitations of passives by looking at passive-like constructions with unaccusative predicates in Ndebele (Bantu) e.g., kwa-f-iw-a Lit. ‘it-died-PASS-FV’ meaning `people died’. It has been argued that passivization requires the demotion of an external argument and therefore verbs that lack it like unaccusatives should not allow passives (Perlmutter and Postal 1977). How does the data from Ndebele fit in with this generalization? How do we constrain our theory of passivization to explain the (im)possible patterns across languages? Using a battery of tests, I show that these constructions are neither canonical passives nor canonical unaccusatives. Preliminary findings suggest that they behave more like impersonals with a null implicit argument that has a generic (people in general) or arbitrary (some people) reading. Passives in Ndebele do not allow the demotion of a theme confirming Postal and Perlmutter’s generalization rather than counterexemplifying it.

Oddur Snorrason
Queen Mary University of London
“Morphological restrictions on Faroese pseudo-coordination”

This poster looks at Faroese pseudo-coordination with Try and (royn og les ‘try and read’) which requires (i) that the verbs in both conjuncts share the same morphology and (ii) only appear in one of three forms (Heycock and Petersen 2012): The imperative singular (-Ø), imperative plural (-), or infinitive/present plural (both happen to end in –a). Person, past tense, and participial morphology is impossible. English similarly requires (i) identical form and (ii) bare stem morphology for Try and (Carden and Pesetsky 1977; de Vos 2005) and go get constructions (e.g. Pullum 1990; Bjorkman 2016). I argue that the apparently idiosyncratic restrictions on morphology derive from conflicting feature assignment and multiple, parallel Vocabulary Insertion as in Bjorkman (2016). I assume that Faroese verbs, unlike English, receive at least two inflectional values: Stem- (tense-mood-aspect) and Phi-features. I propose Try and is assigned an imperative-feature and number (not person), and additional features which must converge on a non-contradictory form. I derive the possibility of the infinitive/present plural from an elsewhere form and an impoverishment rule, and the difference between Faroese and English from how many inflectional values the language allows its verbs to host.

Catarina Soares
Yale University
“Vocabulary Insertion and ameliorative syncretism”

There are two views on how Vocabulary Insertion works (broadly speaking): one that is additive (e.g. Embick 2010) and one that is replacive (Bobaljik 2000). In this poster I argue for an approach to Vocabulary Insertion that combines the two – it adds phonological content to the representation, but it also replaces the morphosyntactic features of the head with those specified in the VI. I show that this approach to Vocabulary Insertion allows for a linearization-based account of the ameliorative effects of syncretism (see a.o. Bjorkman 2016). These refer to cases where constructions that would otherwise be ungrammatical (due to the presence of conflicting features in the same syntactic head) are improved if the relevant features happen to be realized by syncretic exponents. I extend this account to two challenging phenomena – discontinuous bleeding (Georgian) and portmanteau – and discuss the consequences of this theory of Vocabulary Insertion to allomorphy.

Luis Miguel Toquero-Pérez
University of Southern California
“Non-canonical measurement in verbal comparatives: Implications for the morpho-syntax of directed-motion”

The interpretation of verbal (and nominal) comparatives such as ‘Coop runs more than Bob’ seems to be a matter of lexical underspecification: DISTANCE, DURATION, CARDINALITY. Despite this underspecification, it has been argued that the dimension of measurement must be monotonic, i.e. the magnitude increases/decreases with the part-whole structure determined by the VP (or NP) (Schwarzschild 2006; Nakanishi 2007; Wellwood et al. 2012). This constraint on measurement rules out SPEED as a possible dimension, and is likely a semantic universal. I present a novel generalization that challenges this universal: atelic directed-motion verbs (e.g. run, crawl, pedal) in (Iberian) Spanish are compatible with a SPEED interpretation when modified by comparatives. I argue that (i) the dimension of measurement is determined and constrained by the syntactic position of the measure word, and (ii) cross-linguistic variation is the result of fine-grained syntactic differences in the argument structure of directed-motion verbs. Building on insights from syntactic decompositional accounts of event structure (Folli 2002; Cuervo 2003; Folli and Harley 2005, 2016, 2020; Ramchand 2008), I show that Spanish directed-motion verbs must always project vGO encoding path-traversal, below Voice; the dimension of measurement is resolved as SPEED when the measure word adjoins to this position. I further show that English and Italian lack this interpretation because vGO is absent from the syntax in atelic contexts: activity verbs like run in these languages are thus strictly manner verbs. Syntax links the monotonicity requirement to certain structural configurations (across domains), and variation reflects which of these structures are available.

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